By: Erika Lovley

Ballot initiatives have become the hot vehicles for special interests looking to fast-track their renewable energy plans into law.

The number of energy questions on state ballots has doubled every election year since 2004, according to Politico’s research, growing from one in California in 2004 to four in three states this year. They reflect the country’s growing concern over high fuel costs and interest groups’ impatience with political bickering in Washington.

Ballot measures in California, Missouri and Colorado on Tuesday would push utilities to use renewable energy, provide rebates for green vehicles and set renewable fuel standards.

“The presence and increase of energy measures is an indication of this issue becoming a larger part of the public policy debate,” said Kristina Wilfore, executive director of the Ballot Initiative Strategy Center, a progressive organization that helps groups launch ballot initiatives.

Election experts say this year’s measures only foreshadow the role energy will play in future elections. Already, consultants are being called about ballot measures for 2010.

“We’re seeing issues involving nuclear energy, all kinds of renewable subsidies and green jobs,” said Charles Winner, a partner with Winner & Mandabach Campaigns, a California consulting group specializing in ballot measures. “In some ways they are mimicking the energy plans of Barack Obama.”

This isn’t energy’s first appearance on the ballot. In the 1970s, oil shortages and concern over nuclear weapon proliferation peppered ballots with initiatives about nuclear plant safety, oil production and coal prices.

But the questions of the last decade are increasingly focused on security and new forms of energy. As corporations such as Google and individuals such as Texas oilman T. Boone Pickens continue to release independent roadmaps for energy solutions, experts say the number of wealthy individuals bankrolling campaigns will probably grow as well.

This year wealthy billionaires are backing two key campaigns in California.

Pickens is promoting Proposition 10, which would designate $5 billion to support clean energy. Customers who buy natural gas or other alternative energy vehicles would be backed by $3.5 billion of that money. Clean Energy Fuels Corp., a company Pickens directs, has been a primary backer of Californians for Energy Independence, an alliance of energy companies. So far, more than $17.1 million has been spent, according to state disclosures in California.

Arizona billionaires John Sperling, who founded the for-profit University of Phoenix, and his son, Peter, are backing Proposition 7, which would require state utilities to generate half of their power from renewable energy by 2025, an aggressive move even for California. The measure is staunchly opposed by a coalition of utility companies, including PG&E Corp. and Southern California Edison Company, as well as key environmentalists and Democrats.

The utility coalition has spent more than $29.5 million trying to thwart the proposition, according to state financial disclosures, and the measure’s wealthy backers have spent another $8.9 million.

Critics have complained that both Pickens and the Sperlings are using their wealth to push their own political agendas, but political experts say it’s all part of the game.

“As long as there is full disclosure on who’s behind the measure, even if the measure is funded for self interests, it can still be a good ballot initiative,” said Cato Institute senior fellow Michael Tanner.

All the money aside, the backing of key politicos can also determine a measure’s success. Colorado Gov. Bill Ritter, a Democrat, is pushing to cut a $321 million tax credit for local oil companies and distribute the money for clean energy projects and college scholarships.

The measure has major opposition from BP North America, Chevron and other oil companies. Their coalition — Coloradans for a Stable Economy — has raised more than $10.8 million, largely from oil companies.

A competing push by Colorado state Rep. Frank McNulty, a Republican, would leave the credit in place and require the state to spend a portion of its tax collections from the oil companies on highway projects.

Experts say some of the initiatives aim to bridge gaps between federal and state energy regulations. For instance, Missouri’s Clean Energy Initiative would require three major state utilities to generate 15 percent of their electricity from renewable energy by 2021. Now, most of Missouri’s power is from coal-fired plants.

“I sense interests are concerned there will be gaps to compensate on the state level,” said Wilfore, who added that new federal regulations would spawn “a whole new surge of activity and infrastructure building in states.”

The odds of a ballot measure passing are usually poor. Most pollsters typically use this rule of thumb: If the measure is unable to muster 60 percent support or more before Election Day, it will lose.

But even if voters reject an initiative, they can expect to see them again, experts say. Failed ballot measures often get revamped and reinjected into the next election cycle.

Marty Wilson, the campaign manager of the Pickens-backed initiative in California, said he’s already planning a second attempt, should this one fail.

“We’ve already seen areas where we could improve … and build a bigger coalition,” he said. “We’re certainly open to getting out there with a similar measure in 2010.”

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