But as president-elect, he has come to the rescue of surge supporter Joe Lieberman and flirted with the idea of keeping on Bush administration Defense Secretary Robert Gates — and now he seems poised to nominate war-authorizing Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton to serve as his secretary of state. 

The sound from the left: not silence, but no howls of betrayal, either.

"Anybody who has reacted after two weeks is not a serious person," said Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.).

Members of Obama’s loyal liberal base — from the Netroots to campus liberals to Hill Democrats — are watching closely as the candidate’s vague incantations of hope coalesce into cold, concrete presidential decision making. It’s not a seamless transition, but so far the left seems to be cutting Obama some favorite-son slack. Then again, he’s been president-elect for only two weeks — even milk bought on the day he was elected hasn’t had time to go sour.

"People continue to be excited,” said Rep. Earl Blumenauer, a Democrat who represents an Oregon district he described as one of the five most progressive in the nation. "They’re still going to websites. There are campaigns they can be involved with. They’re still networking and raising ideas and moving forward."

Anti-war voters are used to being disappointed. Some were flabbergasted when George W. Bush won a second term in the midst of the war in 2004; others were disillusioned when the Democrats didn’t do more to stop the war after capturing majorities of the House and the Senate in 2006.

And for some, that “here we go again” feeling came rushing back recently when Obama urged his soon-to-be-former Democratic Senate colleagues not to hold “grudges” against Lieberman, who infuriated liberals with his support for Iraq then picked at the scab by supporting John McCain — and opposing Obama — during the presidential race.

But in a sign that the left is willing to cut the president-elect some slack, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) — rather than Obama — has taken the lion’s share of the grief for this week’s decision to let Lieberman hang onto his chairmanship at the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.
In a blog post, Daily Kos founder Markos Moulitsas said the Lieberman deal was proof that Senate Democrats are “tone deaf” to the views of “the American electorate that voted in overwhelming numbers for change from the discredited Bush/McCain/Lieberman policies.” Said Moulitsas: “I’m done with Reid as Senate leader."

Moulitsas’ criticism of Obama’s role in the Lieberman proceedings was more muted. But there are signs that the benefit of the doubt won’t last forever. The list of potential flashpoints between Obama and the left wing of his party is growing, an inevitable development given the sky-high expectations and his need to recruit experienced lieutenants to deal with immense domestic and military problems.

Little that Obama has done has prompted as much anxiety as his flirtation with Gates, a proponent of continued ground operations in Iraq and longtime opponent of a date-certain withdrawal.

"Kind of makes you think that Democrats believe Republicans are better at managing both national security," scoffed Chris Bowers at OpenLeft.com, a progressive blog.

Obama has also drawn considerable flak for enlisting so many battle-scarred Clinton White House veterans — led by chief of staff Rahm Emanuel, who helped engineer the passage of the now-unpopular North American Free Trade Agreement for President Bill Clinton in the 1990s.

Obama has also taken some heat for considering former Harvard President Larry Summers for Treasury secretary, while drawing milder rebukes for passing over outgoing DNC Chairman Howard Dean for secretary of Health and Human Services. The job, according to reports, is going to Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle.

And while opinion about Hillary Clinton’s fitness to serve as secretary of state is divided, many lefty bloggers haven’t forgotten Clinton’s authorizing President Bush to use military force in Iraq in October 2002— or what they believe was her mishandling of health care reform 15 years ago.

"Sen. Clinton has been at the helm in two big undertakings — had two big executive leadership tasks," wrote Josh Marshall, the influential founder of Talking Points Memo. "One was health care in 1994, and the other was her presidential bid in 2007-08. Each was something of a train wreck from an executive-level management perspective."

Watching Obama stack his transition team and senior staff with Clinton-era operatives — and maybe an actual Clinton — has agitated many liberal lions who otherwise admire Obama.

"It tells me I’m going to have to be Frederick Douglas to his Abraham Lincoln," said House Judiciary Committee Chairman John Conyers Jr. (D-Mich.), referring to Obama’s fascination with all things Lincoln.

In some corners of the left, there’s been downright dejection, but people there mostly were skeptical of him all along. Ali Abuminah, a Palestinian-rights activist in Chicago, says he’s seen Obama move to the right on Israel, is troubled by the possible selection of Hillary Clinton as secretary of state and finds himself especially bothered by Emanuel’s pro-Israel views.

"The emerging direction of Obama’s Middle East policy is not going to do anything to unblock the peace process," he said, calling Emanuel "to the right of George Bush in many respects."

For the moment, though, such critics appear to be in the minority.

"At this point, a lot of people have a lot of confidence in him," said Sen. Bernie Sanders, an independent from Vermont who is a self-identified socialist.

"His behavior is concurrent with how he ran his campaign," said Rep. Mike Honda, one of the more progressive members of California Democratic delegation. "Fingers crossed; this might work."

When Obama has faced opposition from his left flank, he’s responded quickly.

In August, the Nation, the country’s oldest progressive magazine, published an editorial warning of "troubling signs" that Obama was reverting to a "more cautious, centrist stance," citing his vote in favor of allowing telecom companies immunity in warrantless wiretap lawsuits.

Obama responded with an open letter to readers. I won’t always agree with you, he told the lefty magazine, but I will always listen.

John Aravosis, founder of the left-of-center AMERICAblog, says most liberals implicitly trust Obama more than any Democrat in recent memory — and they understand that not every compromise he makes is a sellout.

"He hasn’t really screwed up yet on these appointments," Aravosis added. "And look at the Lieberman situation. It’s not like people aren’t pissed off at Lieberman or Reid. But they just don’t hold it against Obama because they know he needs to work with the Senate."

Henry Waxman’s bloodless coup to oust John Dingell from the top spot on the powerful Energy and Commerce Committee upsets a balance that has been in place for almost three decades and may set in motion more bloodletting within that committee.

The era has ended where Dingell and his centrist allies dominated a panel with primary jurisdiction over just about every industry in this country, from utilities to pharmaceuticals, telecommunications to the Michigan Democrat’s beloved auto industry.

The fallout from this fight with Waxman will ripple through Washington for years. But some lawmakers are worried about more immediate aftershocks – Dingell’s subcommittee chairmen are already sending letters hoping to keep their jobs so they can have a hand in an aggressive environmental, energy and health care agenda Waxman is sure to pursue in coordination with the incoming Obama administration.

Following the vote Thursday, environmental groups applauded Waxman’s elevation. Republicans
criticized Democrats for supplanting the more moderate Dingell. And the outgoing chairman’s top allies scrambled to save their own posts atop coveted subcommittees.

Two top Dingell backers – Reps. Gene Green of Texas and Bart Stupak of Michigan – drafted letters shortly after the vote in an early bid to keep their subcommittee chairmanships on the Energy and Commerce panel.

Stupak released an official statement congratulating Waxman that included an explicit appeal to keep his chairmanship on the Oversight and Investigations subcommittee.

And Green, a so-called "Oil Patch Democrat" for his support of the oil and natural gas industry, cautioned any of his colleagues from making any rash judgments in the wake of the election Thursday.

“When you’re married to someone and you have an argument, you need some quiet time,” Green said. “So hopefully we’ll have that over Thanksgiving, and we can come back and (be) willing to work with each other.”

“It was a compliment in some ways to have him use me. I mean, it was really almost bankrupt that he would have to resort to something — most people don’t even know who I am,” Pelosi told reporters during her weekly press conference.

“My daughter, who was covering McCain on the campaign trail, she said, ‘Mother, you should hear the boos you get when your name is announced,’” Pelosi added, speaking of her daughter Alexandra Pelosi who was filming a documentary on the campaign for HBO.

Pelosi joked that McCain “had very complimentary things to say about me,” and insisted that no bad blood remains between the two.

“I’ve worked with Senator McCain in the past. I look forward to continuing that. And you know what it is in a campaign — I don’t have to tell you the kinds of things that are said,” she noted. “It’s part of the campaign. He’s back. We have to look forward.”

Pelosi, though, threw in a dig at her GOP rivals, saying that it is easier to forgive after a winning year.

“Perhaps because I’m so satisfied with the outcome of the election, with winning over 20 seats in the House and so many in the Senate, yet to be determined, and electing Barack Obama as the next president of the United States, all of that is incidental,” she said.

"It is my intention to put forth a renewal of that committee in the new Congress," the speaker told reporters on Friday.

Pelosi established the committee to move forward on climate change legislation during his first year as speaker. Most observers saw the move as a way to strong arm outgoing chairman of the Energy and Commerce panel, Michigan Rep. John D. Dingell, who fought previous efforts to limit carbon emissions.

But California Rep. Henry A. Waxman ousted Dingell on Thursday, fueling speculation that Pelosi might terminate the Select Committee on Energy Independence and Global Warming.

Waxman, who sought to limit the legislative authority of that select committee at its inceptions, has signaled his intent to move a comprehensive climate change bill next year. He sent the speaker a letter in October, before even announcing his intent to oust Dingell, that called on Pelosi to advance legislation reducing carbon emissions by 15 percent in 2020.

"We do have need for one more term because their work is not finished," the speaker said. "We don’t have the climate change legislation that I had hoped we might be closer to at this point. The committee serves a tremendous intellectual resource for me."

Last year, Pelosi forced Dingell to accept a bill that included higher fuel-efficiency limits on cars and trucks, but the legislation didn’t go as far as she had hoped. She told reporters on Friday that she would let the incoming Obama administration take the leader on a comprehensive energy overhaul that should include climate change components.

The speaker also wants Massachusetts Rep. Edward J. Markey to remain chairman of the select committee.

He writes:

I have heard this argument quite a lot in the past week by people trying to rationalize [Rahm] Emanuel and [Dennis] Ross. It’s amazing that people think they can get away with this sort of argument when it comes to Israel. No one would attempt it and even fewer would buy it in any other context.

How about:

"The only way for Obama to push radical environmental initiatives is to appoint the president of Exxon as head of the EPA."

"Only Robert Bork has the clout to pressure these hardcore pro-lifers to accept Roe v. Wade."

"It’ll take someone like Pat Robertson to sell gay marriage to conservative voters."

And I guess it’ll take Hillary, who voted for the war, to get us out of Iraq.

You try it! It’s fun! But seriously, people like Ross and Emanuel are known quantities with long, unbroken records. To suggest that somehow they are now going to surprise us is either naive or disingenuous in the extreme.

The Interior Department – which oversees federal lands, national parks and endangered species – has traditionally been headed by a Westerner.

Grijalva recently lambasted the administration for poor treatment of national parks and opposed President George W. Bush’s recent decision to allow coal mining in Arizona. The congressman also has introduced several pieces of legislation to restore and protect federal lands. And he’s supported global warming legislation and funding for renewable energy.

The Interior Department is expected to play a leading role in greenhouse gas regulation next year, an issue that some environmental groups say he could be instrumental in advancing.

An Obama supporter, Grijalva recently worked with New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson and other Democrats to turn out the Hispanic vote in key Western states.

Grijalva is chairman of the House Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests and Public Lands – and was just tapped as the new co-chairman of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.

His spokeswoman had no comment on the possible Cabinet post.

The era has ended where Dingell and his centrist allies dominated a panel with primary jurisdiction over just about every industry in this country, from utilities to pharmaceuticals, telecommunications to the Michigan Democrat’s beloved auto industry. 

The fallout from this fight with Waxman will ripple through Washington for years. But some lawmakers are worried about more immediate aftershocks – Dingell’s subcommittee chairmen are already sending letters hoping to keep their jobs so they can have a hand in an aggressive environmental, energy and health care agenda Waxman is sure to pursue in coordination with the incoming Obama administration. 

Following the vote Thursday, environmental groups applauded Waxman’s elevation. Republicans 
criticized Democrats for supplanting the more moderate Dingell. And the outgoing chairman’s top allies scrambled to save their own posts atop coveted subcommittees. 

Two top Dingell backers – Reps. Gene Green of Texas and Bart Stupak of Michigan – drafted letters shortly after the vote in an early bid to keep their subcommittee chairmanships on the Energy and Commerce panel. 

Stupak released an official statement congratulating Waxman that included an explicit appeal to keep his chairmanship on the Oversight and Investigations subcommittee. 

And Green, a so-called "Oil Patch Democrat" for his support of the oil and natural gas industry, cautioned any of his colleagues from making any rash judgments in the wake of the election Thursday. 

“When you’re married to someone and you have an argument, you need some quiet time,” Green said. “So hopefully we’ll have that over Thanksgiving, and we can come back and (be) willing to work with each other.” 

Waxman has a handful of personnel decisions ahead, and those calls will be based on policy as much as personal politics. 

For example, Virginia Rep. Rick Boucher, another Dingell ally, sits atop the powerful Energy and Air Quality subcommittee, but his roots in coal country have put him at odds with Waxman’s allies in the environmental community that have long sought lower carbon emissions, from car companies and coal-fired power plants alike. 

Will Waxman allow Boucher, who favors more lenient policies to reduce carbon emissions than the incoming chairman, sit atop a subcommittee with jurisdiction over an issue that is near and dear to his heart? 

The other big question: What becomes of Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s special task force on global warming? 

Waxman urged the speaker last year not to grant that task force any legislative authority – which she did. Its chairman, Massachusetts Rep. Ed Markey, has seniority over everyone on the Energy and Commerce Committee other than Dingell and Waxman. Lobbyists and aides suggested Markey could fill the top spot on the Energy and Air Quality subcommittee, if Pelosi terminates his task force. 

Democrats allow members to bid on subcommittee leadership slots, according to one senior aide. The Policy and Steering Committee, which voted to give Waxman the Energy and Commerce chairmanship, must approve these subcommittee posts. 

Most members of the Energy and Commerce Committee backed Dingell in the race, so Waxman may need to tread lightly at the outset or risk losing support from the members he represents. 

Dingell supporters looked stunned leaving the Cannon Caucus Room after the vote. The reconciliation process will depend, in part, on how Waxman and Dingell handle that transition. 

Waxman criticized Dingell in his remarks to the caucus, according to numerous people in the room – a step that rankled some members in both camps afterward. And Dingell did not address the media gathered outside the Cannon Caucus Room after his loss – although he did release a statement congratulating his longtime rival afterward. 

Both men had kind words for the other in the aftermath of this fight, but the next few weeks will tell whether these two branches of the party can come together like they did after Hoyer repelled the challenge from Murtha.

On a more personal level, an army of aides and lobbyists owe their careers to Dingell – even House Judiciary Chairman John Conyers, Jr. (D-Mich.) once worked for the Dean of the House. And this outcome could make life more difficult for many of them. But the job market is kind to anyone with a “D” after his or her name these days, now that a Democrat is taking over the administration and the party expanded its majorities in both chambers.

Waxman’s win was a mixed blessing for congressional Republicans. On the one hand, Republicans don’t expect to work as closely with Waxman as they occasionally worked with Dingell. But the California Democrat makes an easy target for partisan attacks.

“This decision sends a troubling signal from a majority that has promised to govern from the center,” House Republican Leader John A. Boehner said, complaining that Democrats have been “pulled leftward by radical special interests.”

“Speaker Pelosi would rather have someone more in line with her liberal views than a moderate Democrat who is respected in both parties,” said Texas Rep. John Carter, the secretary of the Republican Conference. “While Democrats claim to govern from the center, they showed their true cards today.”

The newly-minted chairman shrugged off his Republican critics, dismissing the suggestion he would overreach by swaying too far left in the policies he pursues. 

“I heard that one before, and they were wrong,” Waxman said.

(Start at about the 1:05 mark)

The President-elect still hasn’t given any signal that he’ll show up in person for the Georgia run-off, but he did cut an ad for Democrat Jim Martin.